George and Lousie Jefferson left the Bunker neighborhood and "were moving on up."
And it is there that George is probably most unique for the time period.
George was from working class roots but by the time the show started and they were living in a "deluxe apartment in the sky," the Jeffersons had money (from the dry cleaning business George started).
Their next door neighbors, Tom and Helen, were a mixed race couple whose daughter Jenny would end up marrying Lionel (George and Lousie's son).
George could be a bigot but not to the extent Archie Bunker was.
Equally true, you couldn't note George without noting Florence. Marla Gibbs played the Jeffersons' maid Florence and she and George were always going at it to hilarious effect. She was always talking about how short he was.
George wasn't just wealthy, he was a complicated Black character for the time. You didn't usually get much layers in the few roles that were available for African-Americans. So here you had George who was a business success and was always on Lousie to spend more because he wanted people to know he was a success. Then there was his complicated relationship with Mother Jefferson (his mom). He loved her, Lousie hated her and, at some point, he'd usually have to stick up for Louise. There was Lionel who was his pride and joy . . . until he married Jenny.
With the exception of Florence, everything swirled around George. And he could be mean and rude (always slamming the door in the face of Helen and Tom)
And he could be explosive when you got on his bad side.
And he could show a tender side when someone was truly in need.
Like Archie, he wasn't a one dimensional character.
He wasn't written one dimensional and Mr. Hemsley refused to play him one dimenstional.
He also wasn't an Archie clone. Archie had his own reactions and hang ups as did George Jefferson.
He stood his own ground starting in 1973 when Mr. Hemsley began playing him on All In The Family. In 1975, The Jeffersons was spun off and the show stayed on the air with new episodes through the spring of 1985.
He would go on to hit again on a different network. Like Marla Gibbs, he would leave CBS for NBC. (Ms. Gibbs played Mary in 227 on NBC.) His sitcom was Amen and he played Deacon Ernest Frye. This was not George Jefferson with a collar. It was a different role and he brought that one to life as well. Yet again, it was a woman in the cast that he had the best dynamics with. His daughter Thelma was played by the always amazing Anna Maria Horsford. With just a line reading and a curve to her voice, she made the writers take interest in Thelma and make her an integral part of the show.
Mr. Hemsley was born in 1938 (a year after Jack Nicholson and Jane Fonda) in El Paso and he was seventy-four years old. He made a real accomplishment in TV and it is a sign of just how much of a breakthrough his fully realized George Jefferson was that we might not even realize how bad things were just two and three years before George showed up on the radar.
A lot of what came after would not have been possible without the strong work Sherman Hemsley did each week, going into homes across America as George Jefferson, homes of all races and ethnicities, and getting laughs every weekend and becoming so real that he truly was a part of America's family in the same way that Rob Petrie and Mary Richards and Hawkeye and so many others were (including Florence -- they were a great team, Mr. Hemsley and Ms. Gibbs).
This is C.I.'s "Iraq snapshot" for today:
Tuesday,
July 24, 2012. Chaos and violence continue, a number of people share
their hypothesis on yesterday's violence (the worst of the year thus
far), Amnesty International issues a call for Iraq to halt all
executions, we examine Barack Obama's claim "I will stand with our
troops every single time," finish up on the MST Congressional hearing,
and more.
Yesterday, US President Barack Obama delivered a speech to the VFW. Michael A. Memoli and Kathleen Hennessey reported on the speech for the Los Angeles Times and David Sider reported on it for McClatchy Newspapers. Don Gonyea (Morning Edition, NPR -- link is audio and transcript) noted it this morning in a report that quoted Barack stating, "I will stand with our troops every single time."
But you didn't, Barack, but you didn't. Not in 2009.
Dropping back to the June 9, 2009 snapshot:
This morning the New York Times' Alissa J. Rubin and Michael Gordon offered "U.S. Frees Suspect in Killing of 5 G.I.'s." Martin Chulov (Guardian) covered the same story, Kim Gamel (AP) reported on it, BBC offered "Kidnap hope after Shia's handover" and Deborah Haynes contributed "Hope for British hostages in Iraq after release of Shia militant" (Times
of London). The basics of the story are this. 5 British citizens have
been hostages since May 29, 2007. The US military had in their custody
Laith al-Khazali. He is a member of Asa'ib al-Haq. He is also accused of
murdering five US troops. The US military released him and allegedly
did so because his organization was not going to release any of the five
British hostages until he was released. This is a big story and the US
military is attempting to state this is just diplomacy, has nothing to
do with the British hostages and, besides, they just released him to
Iraq. Sami al-askari told the New York Times, "This is a very
sensitive topic because you know the position that the Iraqi
government, the U.S. and British governments, and all the governments do
not accept the idea of exchanging hostages for prisoners. So we put it
in another format, and we told them that if they want to participate in
the political process they cannot do so while they are holding hostages.
And we mentioned to the American side that they cannot join the
political process and release their hostages while their leaders are
behind bars or imprisoned." In other words, a prisoner was traded for
hostages and they attempted to not only make the trade but to lie to
people about it. At the US State Dept, the tired and bored reporters
were unable to even broach the subject. Poor declawed tabbies. Pentagon
reporters did press the issue and got the standard line from the
department's spokesperson, Bryan Whitman, that the US handed the
prisoner to Iraq, the US didn't hand him over to any organization --
terrorist or otherwise. What Iraq did, Whitman wanted the press to
know, was what Iraq did. A complete lie that really insults the
intelligence of the American people. CNN reminds the five US soldiers killed "were:
Capt. Brian S. Freeman, 31, of Temecula, California; 1st Lt. Jacob N.
Fritz, 25, of Verdon, Nebraska; Spc. Johnathan B. Chism, 22, of
Gonzales, Louisiana; Pfc. Shawn P. Falter, 25, of Cortland, New York;
and Pfc. Johnathon M. Millican, 20, of Trafford, Alabama." Those are the
five from January 2007 that al-Khazali and his brother Qais al-Khazali
are supposed to be responsible for the deaths of. Qassim Abdul-Zahra and Robert H. Reid (AP) states
that Jonathan B. Chism's father Danny Chism is outraged over the
release and has declared, "They freed them? The American military did?
Somebody needs to answer for it."
The
US military believed that they had in custody those who had
orchestrated the killing of 5 US soldiers. Barack Obama may claim this
week, "I will stand with our troops every single time," but he didn't in
June 2009.
He chose to stand with the British. He chose to release people believed to be responsible for the deaths of 5 US soldiers.
He
did that and refused to answer questions about it -- and the timid
press refused to ever ask him about it when they had him for a sit down.
We know what the father of Jonathan B. Chism thought, "They freed them?
The American military did? Somebody needs to answer for it."
Somebody
needs to. And when Barack boasted, "I will stand with our troops every
single time," he should have been booed. 5 US service members believed
to be killed by the League of Righteous -- brutally killed, kidnapped
and killed -- and Barack orders the release of the leaders and does so
because he wants to score points with the British? No, he did not choose
to stand with US troops.
And
what came of the deal he made with the League of the Righteous? It
didn't end there. It didn't end with the December 30, 2009 release of
British citizen Peter Moore who was alive or with the three corpses Alec
Maclachlan (body handed over in September), Jason Crewswell (body
handed over in June) and Jason Swindelhurst (body handed over in June).
That left Alan McMenemy. And we called Barack out for this deal, we've
continued to call him out. But, too bad for Barack, terrorists talk.
They tattle.
Alan McMenemy, sadly, was already dead. Had been dead for a long time. But his return was delayed. Dropping back to July 9, 2011:
Though
Barry's 'big' deal was supposed to free all five, the League, years
later, is now insisting they want a new deal (and figure Barry's just
the pushover to give it to them?).
Al Mada reports
they have issued a statement where they savage the US government for
not honoring -- and quickly honoring -- the agreement made with them. As
a result, they say Alan McMenemy will not be released.
Peter Moore, the only one released alive, was a computer tech working in Iraq. Four British bodyguards were protecting him. The bodyguards were McMenemy, Jason Swindlehurst, Alec MacLachlan and Jason Cresswell. The families of the four have continued to publicly request that Alan McMenemy be released.
They condemn the "procrastionation" of the US government after the deal was made and state that a promise was also broken when "US forces did not stop attacks" -- apparently Barack made very grand promises -- so now Alan McMenemy will not be released. The statement is credited to Akram al-Ka'bi.
What the statement really does is demonstrate what many condemned in 2009: The US government, the administration, entered into an agreement that did not benefit the US or Iraq. They freed known killers from prison. Killers of Iraqis, killers of American citizens. There was nothing to be gained by that act for Iraq or the US. At some point, history will ask how Barack Obama thought he was fulfilling his duties of commander in chief by making such an ignorant move?
Peter Moore, the only one released alive, was a computer tech working in Iraq. Four British bodyguards were protecting him. The bodyguards were McMenemy, Jason Swindlehurst, Alec MacLachlan and Jason Cresswell. The families of the four have continued to publicly request that Alan McMenemy be released.
They condemn the "procrastionation" of the US government after the deal was made and state that a promise was also broken when "US forces did not stop attacks" -- apparently Barack made very grand promises -- so now Alan McMenemy will not be released. The statement is credited to Akram al-Ka'bi.
What the statement really does is demonstrate what many condemned in 2009: The US government, the administration, entered into an agreement that did not benefit the US or Iraq. They freed known killers from prison. Killers of Iraqis, killers of American citizens. There was nothing to be gained by that act for Iraq or the US. At some point, history will ask how Barack Obama thought he was fulfilling his duties of commander in chief by making such an ignorant move?
Poor Barack. He made a deal with terrorists and the terrorists weren't kind enough to stay quiet about it. January 5th
of this year they said they'd release the body of Alan McMenemy and
did. It really was the British government's responsibility, their five
citizens. The US government's responsibility should have been putting
the League on trial. Certainly if you claim "I will stand with our
troops every single time" that should be what you do.
But
it gets worse. They were the leaders of the group behind it. There was
also a name that's received a great deal more attention from the press:
Ali Mousa Daqduq. He was the Lebanese that the US military kept in
custody in Iraq. Possibly because he wasn't an Iraqi, the League didn't
care about getting his release.
December 17, 2011, Charlie Savage (New York Times) reported
on what was termed "a move likely to unleash a political backlash
inside the United States." What was he reporting on? The White House's
decision to release Ali Musa Daqduq to the Iraqi government, the man
"accused of helping to orchestrate a January 2007 raid by Shiite
militants who wore U.S.-style uniforms and carried forged identity
cards. They killed five U.S. soldiers -- one immediately and four others
who were kidnapped and later shot and dumped beside a road." Reporting on it the same day, Matt Apuzzo (AP) noted the reactions of two US senators.
Senator Mark Kirk (in a letter before the release): "Daqduq's
Iranian paymasters would like nothing more than to see him transferred
to Iraqi custody, where they could effectively pressure for his escape
or release. We truly hope you will not let that happen."
Senator
Saxby Chambliss (after news broke of the release): "Rather than ensure
justice for five American soldiers killed by Hezbollah terrorist Ali
Musa Daqduq, the administration turned him over to Iraq, once again
completely abdicating its responsibility to hold on to deadly
terrorists. Given Iraq's history of releasing detainees, I expect it is
only a matter of time before this terrorist will be back on the
battlefield."
Liz Sly and Peter Finn (Washington Post) reported
that US National Security Council spokesperson Tommy Vietor insisted
that the White House "sought and received assurances that he will be
tried for his crimes." Some assurances. May 7th,
Daqduq was cleared of all charges. Senator Kelly Ayotte released a
statement that day noting that she and 19 other US Senators lodged their
objection to transferring Daqduq July 21, 2011 in a formal letter which
"expressed the Senators' concerns that transferring Daqduq to Iraqi
custody might result in his release and a return to terrorist
activities." Those concerns were dismissed. When the May 7th verdict
came down the White House demanded a "do-over" in Iraqi courts. No
surprise (except maybe to the White House) the same Iraqi courts cleared
Daqduq of the charges which led the July 12th fuming from the White House that appeared to be just for show:
Lara Jakes and Qassim abdul-Zahra (AP) report
that Antony Blinken -- Vice President Joe Biden's national security
adviser -- states that the US wants Daqduq to be hld and that they not
only want to see him extradited to the US, they've already made that
request. They also note, "Abdul-Sattar
Bayrkdar, spokesman for Iraq's Supreme Judicial Council said the
appeals court ruling is final and there are no charges pending against
Daqduq. Ali al-Moussawi, media adviser to Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri
al-Maliki, said he was unaware of any U.S. request to extradite Daqduq."
The
White House said they had made a request. Iraq said, no, they hadn't.
And there's been no mention of it since -- the press really rolls over
for this administration -- despite the fact that Blinken was just in
Iraq last week and was holding Nouri's hand and cooing in his ear so
much that Nouri was bragging to the press that the White House was
siding with him and not ExxonMobil with regards to the oil deal Nouri
wants cancelled (between ExxonMobil and the KRG).
Again,
yesterday Barack Obama claimed, "I will stand with our troops every
single time." That's the claim, the record suggests something else
completely.
Why this
isn't addressed is a question you should be asking of not just the
media but also of politicians. Not only did Barack's action break the
public claim of "We don't negotiate with terrorists" (the US government
did and does), American lives, the American fallen, were judged not to
matter. At a time of war, the American fallen were judged not to matter
by the White House. This isn't a minor issue. If we're speaking to a
group of veterans or group of family members of veterans they bring this
up. They don't always know the names of all the fallen but they know
Barack cut a deal and released the leaders of the League of Righteous
and that he refused to prosecute Daqduq. It's only the press and the
politicians that play dumb on this topic.
Did
Ronald Reagan make a deal with Iran to get them not to release the
hostages so Jimmy Carter would be defeated in November 1980? I'm a
liberal so I've always believed it to be true. (One of the reasons I
thought it was true was Robert Parry's reporting. Robert Parry's
'reporting' in the last four years has been so awful that I can no
longer say, "It's true!" But, even now, I believe it.) Is there any
conclusive proof? Nope. But the mainstream press -- including PBS,
including Frontline -- have been more than happy to explore
that possibility repeatedly over the years. Yet when they encounter a
real deal, they rush to look the other way. It must really be something
to know you can betray the fallen during war time and the press is never
going to hold your feet to the fire. I asked a friend at CBS News about
that today. If Mitt Romney picked up on it, the press would probably
cover it, I was told. But when it went down, I was told, no one made a
big deal out of it. I didn't know veterans' families were "no one."
Blood
flowed through the streets of Iraq yesterday as bombings and shootings
resulted in the most deaths in a single day of the year so far. This
morning, AP notes that the death toll from Monday's attacks "has risen to 115." Reuters notes
the increase and credits it in part to a Baghdad bombing and a Baquba
bombing "late on Monday" which claimed 9 lives and thirty-one injured.
Commentators debate whether this was the first step in the Islamic State of Iraq's self-proclaimed "Breaking The Walls" plan. Martin Chulov (Guardian) offers:
Viewed in isolation, the attacks are serious enough: the destabilising effect on a country that shows few signs of overcoming deep distrust among its Shias, Sunnis and Kurds is worrying. So too the fact that the postwar hope -- the unifying influence of the state -- has once again been unable to stop a multi-city slaughter.
However, when seen through the prism of the rest of the region's woes, the latest events take on an even more serious perspective. Neighbouring Syria is fast sliding towards full-blown war, with a real risk of a sectarian spillover into a region that has seen hardening sectarian positions in all corners for the last 18 months.
Dan Murphy (Christian Science Monitor) offers an overview and examination of various issues.
Emily Alpert (Los Angeles Times) speaks to two analysts to get their take. From the left, Phyllis Bennis states, "This would have happened if the U.S. pulled out earlier or in another 10 years. What we left behind in Iraq was raw sectarian identity that is playing out in absolutely brutal ways." From the right, Max Boot declares, "It's not out of control yet, but it's certainly moving in a dangerous direction. The U.S. is basically AWOL." Phyllis hasn't published a piece on Iraq today. Boot did, continuing the conversation at Commentary, and arguing:
Emily Alpert (Los Angeles Times) speaks to two analysts to get their take. From the left, Phyllis Bennis states, "This would have happened if the U.S. pulled out earlier or in another 10 years. What we left behind in Iraq was raw sectarian identity that is playing out in absolutely brutal ways." From the right, Max Boot declares, "It's not out of control yet, but it's certainly moving in a dangerous direction. The U.S. is basically AWOL." Phyllis hasn't published a piece on Iraq today. Boot did, continuing the conversation at Commentary, and arguing:
So much for the claims of American and Iraqi officials that violence is on the wane. In fact, as noted by the New York Times,
"The attacks were likely to continue the trend of the first six months
since the departure of American troops, when violence has steadily
increased, according to United Nations statistics." If the trend
continues this will mark a remarkable defeat -- and a self-inflicted one
-- for American policy in the Middle East.
If
only the U.S. had been able to keep troops in Iraq past 2011, the odds
are that Iraqi forces would have had greater success in continuing to
crack down on AQI. The U.S. presence was particularly important for
providing intelligence support to the Iraqis as well as pressuring Prime
Minister Maliki to share power with Sunnis so as to avoid fueling a
sectarian conflagration. With the U.S. out of the picture, Maliki is
busy accumulating dictatorial power and the Iraqi security forces appear
to be fighting half-blind, thus allowing AQI to rise from the grave
like a zombie.
CNN shares the thought of the Center for American Progress' Brian Katulis.
Or 'thoughts.' He argues, as the headline notes, "It's up to Iraq's
government to prevent a civil war." Interesting. It wasn't up to Iraq to
decide whether or not to overthrow Saddam Hussein in March 2003. It
wasn't up to Iraq when US troops left (if it had been, US troops would
have left in 2003). And in terms of Brian himself, he didn't seem to
think, last December, that Iraq's take on Syria was up to Iraq. No, he
thought the US government should pressure Iraq to get them on board. But
now? Now, it's all on Iraq. Even if the the White House insisting in
2010 that second place Nouri get a second term as prime minister is
partly to blame for today's violence, there's nothing the US can do and
it's all on Iraq.
Unlike
Brian Katulis, I spent every year calling for all US troops and
contractors out of Iraq immediately. I stand by that call. That doesn't
mean there's nothing the US can do. What a stupid thought and how very
telling. His mind-set is why there's war, war, war, all the time war.
There are a million things that the US can do to influence the outcome.
Nouri's government, for example, wants out of the UN's Chapter VII. The
US can refuse to support that if certain steps aren't met. The US can
refuse to deliver the F-16s Nouri lusts over, that's a bargaining chip
right there. War is not the answer to everything but how telling that
Brian Katulis believes it's troops on the ground or there's nothing the
US can do.
On the violence and the political situation, the editorial board of Gulf News observes:
"What started as a fragile coalition run by Prime Minister Nouri Al
Maliki has become a much more authoritarian regime, which is now seen by
many non-Shiites as favouring the Shiite community. This has started a
serious review by many Sunni politicians of the original desire to see a
strong and centralised state. They foresee many years of
Shiite-dominated government and therefore have shifted to promote more
devolution of power to provincial governments, along the lines of what
the Kurds have already done in their provinces."
Violence continues today in Iraq. Alsumaria reports a Kirkuk bombing in which 1 child was killed and two women were injured early this morning and an attack on a police patrol in Diyala Province left 1 police officer dead and three more injured. AP adds
a Tuz Khormato motorcycle bombing claimed the live osf 6 "Kurdish
intelligence officials," and a Baquba mini-bus bombing claimed 3 lives
and left twenty-nine people injured. Through yesterday, Iraq Body Count counts 336 killed in Iraq this month from violence.
Iraq is on track to hold the title for most executions in 2012. Amnesty International issued the following this afternoon:
Contact: Suzanne Trimel, strimel@aiusa.org, 212-633-4150, @strimel
(New
York) – Amnesty International today urged Iraqi authorities to commute
all pending death sentences and impose a moratorium on executions with a
view to abolish the death penalty after the chief of police in the
Iraqi governorate of Anbar announced on Monday a Court of Cassation
decision to uphold 196 death sentences in the region.
It is unclear if the sentences have been ratified by the Iraqi presidency yet.
The announcement gave no timeline for carrying out the executions but expressed a hope that it would be soon.
"After
this alarming announcement, Iraqi authorities must move quickly to
commute all death sentences and declare a moratorium on executions
across the country," said Philip Luther, Middle East and North Africa
Director at Amnesty International.
"If the
Iraqi authorities carry out these death sentences, they would nearly
quadruple Iraq's already shocking execution record so far this year."
In the first half of 2012 alone, Iraq executed at least 70 people, which is already more than the figure for all of last year.
According
to Amnesty International's information, in 2011 a total of at least 68
people were executed in Iraq. Around the country, hundreds of others are
believed to remain on death row.
The death
penalty was suspended in Iraq after the US-led invasion in 2003 but
restored in August 2004. Since then, hundreds of people have been
sentenced to death and many have been executed.
Amnesty
International opposes the death penalty – the ultimate cruel, inhuman
and degrading punishment – in all cases without exception, as a
violation of the right to life.
Amnesty
International is a Nobel Peace Prize-winning grassroots activist
organization with more than 3 million supporters, activists and
volunteers in more than 150 countries campaigning for human rights
worldwide. The organization investigates and exposes abuses, educates
and mobilizes the public, and works to protect people wherever justice,
freedom, truth and dignity are denied.
Last
week, the United Nations Security Council had a special briefing on
Iraq from the UN Secretary-General's Special Envoy Martin Kobler. On the issue of the death penalty, he stated:
Mr.
President, Iraq retains the death penalty for a large number of crimes.
I therefore reiterate the call by the Secretary-General [Ban Ki-moon]
and the High Commissioner of Human Rights for the government of Iraq to
establish a moratorium on all executions with a view to their abolition.
I welcome that the authorities of the Kurdistan Region continue to
implement a moratorium on carrying out executions which has been in
place since 2007.
Turning to the United States . . .
Dr.
Barbara Van Dahlen: As I began to prepare testimony for this hearing, I
had occassion to speak with a colleague who devoted over 20 years of
service to the military. He continues to serve as a civilian with the
Department of Defense. I happened to mention to him that I was invited
to testify before this committee on this important topic. After stating
that he was about to share something with me that he had never shared
with anyone, not even his wife, he told me the following story. He
enlisted in the military at the age of 17. It was the late 1970s. Within
the first year of his service, he was sexually assaulted by two men
with whom he served, as part of an initiation process. He was humiliated
and devastated. He told no one. He said, "There was no one to tell --
reporting would have made my life much worse. The stigma would have
further damaged me and my career. I felt overwhelming guilt and shame."
This veteran suffered the consequences of the attack, psychologically
and phsically, for years. At one point he contemplated suicide and went
so far as to put all his affairs in order and make arrangements for the
care of his two-year-old daughter and young wife. His marriage fell
apart and he and his wife separated. Fortunately, this veteran found
help, reparied his marriage, and healed psychologically -- though he
continues to have significant physical problems that stem from the
attack that shattered his life 30 years ago. He shared his story with me
now because he wants the members of this committee to understand that
service members who are sexually assaulted are unlikely to report the
assault to their command, to their peers, to anyone. And you can't often
tell by looking at them that they've been effected -- not for years. We
in the mental health profession know that it is absolutely critical for
victims of sexual trauma to seek and receive assistance, support, and
treatment as soon as possible.
She
was speaking at last Wednesday's House Veterans Subcommittee on
Disability Assistance and Memorial Affiars om Military Sexual Trauma.
The Chair of the Subcommittee is Jon Runyan and the Ranking Member is
Jerry McNerney. We covered the hearing in yesterday's snapshot and today
we're emphasizing US House Rep Chellie Pingree who does not sit on the
House Veterans Committee but did participate in the hearing. The hearing
was divided into four panels. The first panel was Service Women's Action Network's Anu Bhagwati, Disabled American Veterans' Joy Ilem, the American Legion's Lori Perkio. The second panel was Give An Hour's Dr. Barbara Van Dahlen, Connecticut Veterans Legal Center's
Margaret Middleton. The third panel was Ruth Moore (joined by her
husband Butch Moore). The fourth panel was DoD's Col Alan Metzler
(joined by DoD's Dr. Nate Galbreath) and VA's Thomas Murphy (joined by
VA's Edna MacDonald). From the second panel.
US
House Rep Chellie Pingree: I'll ask this question of both of you. We
see many denials where the VA says that the veteran couldn't be service
connected because they were sexually assaulted prior to their military
service. VA examiners tell them that their condition is related to the
earlier assault not the one that occurred in the military. I think that
for these veterans a service assault would at least aggravate a
pre-existing condition but it seems like an inappropriate way to look at
it. Do you see these types of denials in your work and do you have
comments about them.
Dr.
Barbara Van Dahlen: Yes. Unfortunately, one of the things that happens
with victims of sexual assault is they -- If that sexual assault is
untreated, they are more likely to be victims again. And so to say that
because a man or a woman was sexually assaulted before they entered the
military, somehow then the psychological damage that we're seeing is not
related to the additional assault makes no sense psychologically --
makes no sense. It's like -- It's almost the -- In fact, it is the
opposite logic that we use for combat stress. Combat stress -- we
understand, we know this -- the more deployments, the more exposure to
trauma, the more significant the psychological damage. We've kind of
gotten that right finally. But here, we're saying the opposite. It makes
no sense psychologically in any way. And, in fact, we know that victims
are more likely if they are untreated to become victims in the future.
Margaret
Middleton: I would say I've almost never spoken to a veteran who
reported to me a case of Military Sexual Trauma who didn't also
experience some sort of trauma prior to entering the military. It's
very, very common in my experience. And it's just one more reason why we
shouldn't hold the veterans to this unnecessary evidentiary standard
because we don't need to muddy the water for the VA for our own folks
who already applied the rule pretty haphazardly.
If the rule was applied to you or someone you know and you were denied, you should consider reapplying. Last Wednesday and Thursday's snapshots
covered the House Oversight Subcommittee on National Security, Homeland
Defense and Foreign Operations hearing that took place last Wednesday.
US House Rep Jason Chaffetz is the Chair of the Subcommittee. MST was
raised in the morning and I thought the remarks might be carried over in
the afternoon -- by VA witnesses or by members of Congress -- but that
didn't happen.
US
House Rep Jackie Speier: And then my third question is on MST. As you
know, military sexual assault is absolutely out of control in the
military, 19,000 cases a year. As I understand it, your reviews have
found differences in denial rates between sexual assault PTSD and other
PTSD cases. I'd like to know what you have found and what you are doing
about it? And for those that have been previously denied, what can be
done for them in terms of refiling and being reconsidered? Thank you.
Allison
Hickey: Thank you, Congresswoman Speier. [. . .] I am so glad you
brought up Military Sexual Trauma. It is the very first issue I grabbed
the reigns on and ran with when I got on station here aside from,
obviously, the backlog. And I will tell you, I'm the one that asked for
us to go show -- show me what our grant denial rate is between MSTPTSD
and what it is between PTSD for the other three -- combat, fear,
terrorism? I asked for us to do that. I got it back and I said, "This is
unacceptable." We had a 20% difference in our grant denial rate. I
said, "We're going to change this process." We did. And by the way, the
process is now in a segmented lane which is one of our new
transformation initiatives. We have trained from the VBA person who
handles it coming in the door through the exam doctor in the health
administration who does the health exam. And we now have everybody
trained. I just got the data last Friday that shows I have closed that
gap as a result of that effort. We have increased our grants a full 35%
in our MST as of last Friday because of the directions we did, the
actions we took to make those right and to do those right [. . .]*
US House Rep Jackie Speier: Mr. Chairman, could I ask a follow up question? I know my time has expired.
Chair Jason Chaffetz: Feel free.
US
House Rep Jackie Speier: Thank you. What are we doing about those that
had their claims denied? Are we going back now and saying refile?
Allison Hickey: I am glad you asked that question as well, Congressman --
Congresswoman
Speier. We are sending letters to everyone we've ever denied and
saying, 'This is what we do. We've got a new process. If you feel like
you were denied in error, please send it to us and we will re-accomplish
it.'
Allison Hickey is the VA's Undersecretary for Benefits.
At
the hearing on MST, Col Metzler testified that the Defense Dept
received 3100 reports of sexual assault in 2011 and "our anonymous
survey data suggests that in 2010 as many as 19,000 service members were
victims of some form of sexual assault." He stressed DoD's Safe Helpine website, which includes the telephone helpline 877-995-5247, where survivors can "click, call or text."
We'll wrap up our coverage of the hearing with this excerpt from the first panel.
US
House Rep Chellie Pingree: I think generally the VA is doing a good job
providing counseling and treatment to victims of MST but when it comes
to awarding benefits, as we've heard so much already today, MST
survivors face tremendous road blocks and bureaucratic red tape. Since
most attacks, as we've heard, go unreported, it's very hard for victims
to provide the documentation for their claims and therein lies the
source of some of our problems here. The current policy states that they
will be very liberal in deciding MST cases and should accept secondary
markers as proof that the assualt occurred: things like counseling
reports for PTSD-MST, letters from family members citing behavioral
changes, drug and alcohol abuse. But it has been our experience in my
office that this policy is not being followed. The VBA remains vastly
inconsistent in deciding on MST cases and what one office will accept,
as we heard earlier, another might deny and still not be violating VBA
policy. I think we have to be sure that VBA gives MST survivors the
benefit of the doubt -- especially when so many of these survivors have
lost faith in the system they swore to uphold. That's why I introduced
the bill that you were asking about earlier and I appreciate the
Chairman signing onto that bill. Basically, it would provide service
connection for MST survivors if they provide a diagnosis of PTSD and a
medical link stating the PTSD is caused by the assault -- similar to the
policy in place now for combat PTSD claims. I want to be clear about
this, the bad guy in these stories are the perpetrators. They're the
villians and the ones who should be held accountable. But by creating
this policy that denies justice to the victims and forces them to spend
years and even decades fighting for the benefits that they deserve,
we're deepening the wounds for those veterans and making it much harder
for them to get on with their lives. Ms. Bhagwati, thank you very much
for your wonderful work and for being here today and thank you to
everyone on the panel. A couple of questions, you've already talked a
little bit about this very issue of the VBA and how it's working. Do you
think it's enough to ease the PTSD evidentiary burden for MST claimants
or do you think we also need to ease the burden for other common
conditions associated with MST like depressive disorders and anxiety
disorders?
Anu
Bhagwati: As I said in my testimony, according to the Veterans Affairs
Department, PTSD is the most common health condition associated with MST
but depressive disorder and other anxiety disorders can be just as life
threatening and we certainly know that from the rest of the veterans
community. I mean, many combat veterans are also suffering from
depression rather than Post-Traumatic Stress. So, no, it's not enough
just to focus on PTSD. We have veterans committing suicide every day
from major depressive disorders and other very, very serious conditions
and very common conditions.
US House Rep Chellie Pingree: Either of the rest of you like to answer that or talk about that?
Joy
Ilem: I would agree. I mean those are certainly other factors, mental
health conditions that we see associated with-with MST-related
incidents.
Lori
Perkio: In addition, all of the characteristics of anxiety, depression,
those are all part of PTSD criteria so they should all be looked at
because you never know when that claim may be eventually looked at as a
PTSD claim.